Fallout from Chen Shui-Bian's Dramatic Arrest 全譯本

Fallout from Chen Shui-Bian's Dramatic Arrest全譯本
陳炯鳴2008/11/19

Fallout from Chen Shui-Bian's Dramatic Arrest
陳水扁總統被戲劇性逮捕的政治餘波
China has denied that it put pressure on Taiwan to arrest former President Chen Shui-bian, who's been arrested, accused of embezzlement, money laundering, taking bribes, and forging documents while in office. Chen, a long time opponent of reunification with Beijing, accused his successor Ma Ying-jeou of ordering his detention to curry favour with mainland China's leaders. He has yet to be charged, but may be held for up to four months while prosecutors prepare their case against him. As Newsweek's Duncan Hewitt writes, the case highlights growing political rifts in Taiwan over relations with China:

中國否認對台灣施加壓力來逮捕前總統陳水扁，陳已被逮捕，被指控在總統期間貪污，洗錢，受賄，以及偽造證件。陳，很長一段時間對與北京的統一持反對立場，指控他的繼任者馬英九，對於他拘留被認為是對中國大陸的領導人在拍馬屁。他尚未被起訴，而檢察機關準備起訴他的期間可能會長達4個月。正如新聞周刊的鄧肯休伊特寫道，這案件突出越來越多在台灣與中國關係的政治裂痕：

The detention of Chen Shui-bian on corruption charges, coming so soon after new president Ma Ying-jeou signed accords authorizing historic direct shipping links with mainland China, could be seen as yet another victory for Mr Ma and his Kuomintang party (KMT), as they seek to consolidate power after eight years in opposition. But in practice, Mr Chen's detention is likely to highlight political tensions which have growing in Taiwan since President Ma's accession in May this year.

將陳水扁用貪污罪拘留，之後這位新總統馬英九，又快速地與大陸中國簽署歷史性協議授權直接通航，這些可以被看作是 馬先生和他的國民黨黨（國民黨），用以鞏固他們在八年後的政治權力上的又一個勝利。但在實際上， 陳先生的拘留是突出台灣在馬總統自今年5月就任以來，越來越多的政治緊張局勢。

Hopes that Mr Ma, a Harvard-educated lawyer seen as relatively moderate, would bring consensus to a society long fragmented over attitudes towards reunification with the mainland, have been shattered. Polls have shown his popularity plunging from some 60% to around 23% in late October. There is undoubtedly much public anger in Taiwan towards Chen Shui-bian, who has admitted breaking the law by not fully disclosing campaign donations -- but the arrests of seven other figures associated with his Democratic Progressive Party, also in connection with corruption allegations, over the past few months, have led to fears being raised about the independence of Taiwan's judiciary under the new leadership.

由於馬英九接受美國哈佛大學的法律教育的背景而被視為相對溫和，但是期待馬先生對於與大陸統一與否的長期零散態度，在台灣社會整合形成共識的看法已然破滅。民調顯示他的聲望在10月下旬從約60 ％下跌至23 ％左右。毫無疑問，不少台灣人對陳水扁承認不充分披露競選捐款，違反法律的事情表示憤怒。然而在過去幾個月中，以貪腐為理由，司法機關同樣地逮捕了其他七名與他相關的民進黨人士。這已導致台灣人的恐懼，擔心在新的總統領導下，台灣司法機構是否依然可以維持其獨立的地位。

Such warnings have not just come from traditional DPP supporters. Last week, before Mr Chen's arrest, twenty prominent international Asia specialists, including Professors Arthur Waldron of the University of Pennsylvania, Bruce Jacobs of Monash University and June Teufel Dreyer of the University of Miami, along with former Far Eastern Economic Review Taipei correspondent Julian Baum, issued an unprecedented open letter expressing "deep concern" at the behaviour of Taiwanese prosecutors. "It is obvious that there have been cases of corruption in Taiwan," they wrote, "but these have occurred in both political camps." The recent detentions, they said, had created an impression that the KMT authorities "are using the judicial system to get even with members of the former DPP government." They accused prosecutors of "a basic violation of due process, justice and the rule of law," by holding several detainees incommunicado without being charged, and of "trial by press" by leaking detrimental information to the media. They suggested that such actions were jeopardizing the achievements of Taiwan's transition from one party rule (by the KMT) to democracy in the late 1980s and early 90s.

這種警告不僅僅是來自傳統的民進黨支持者。上週，在陳被捕後， 21位亞洲著名的國際專家，包括賓夕法尼亞大學的阿瑟沃爾德倫教授、莫納什大學的布魯斯雅各布教授、邁阿密大學的瓊 梯尤法爾德 雷爾教授，加上前遠東經濟評論駐台北記者朱利安鮑姆印發了前所未有的公開信，信中表示“深切關注”在台灣檢察官的行為。 “很明顯地在台灣出現了腐敗案件 ”他們寫道， “但這些在兩個政治陣營都有發生。 ” 他們說，最近一連串的拘留，讓人產生一個印象，即國民黨當局“使用司法系統，報復前民進黨政府的成員。他們指責檢察官違反了最基本的正當程序，司法正義和法律規則。對於這些尚未被判刑且與外界無法通信的拘留者，檢察體系將不利被告的有害信息洩露給媒體，以造成”新聞審判“的效果。他們認為，這種行為將會危及台灣在20世紀80年代末和90年代初，從一黨獨大（由國民黨）轉型成民主體制的成就。

Allegations of a regression to past authoritarianism also surfaced last week, when China's top negotiator, Chen Yunlin, visited Taiwan to sign the historic accords allowing direct air, postal and shipping links between Taiwan and the mainland. There is actually a fairly broad consensus of support in Taiwan for the opening of such links - indeed most of the details of the accords were negotiated when Chen Shui-bian and the DPP were still in power. But final agreement could not be reached back then because Mr Chen would not accept China's demand that he must first accept Beijing's "One China" concept (which basically means accepting that Taiwan is part of China and the two sides will one day be reunified, even if they differ on the exact means to achieve this.)

對於馬政府回歸過去的專制獨裁的指控，在上週也曾出現。中國首席談判代表，陳雲林訪問台灣期間，簽署了具歷史意義，允許台灣與大陸之間直航、通郵和通航的協議。支持台灣與中國聯繫的開放，在台灣實際上是一個相當廣泛的共識，然而大多數協定的細節，在陳水扁和民進黨仍然掌權時已進行談判。但是，最終為何仍無法達成協議，乃因為當 時陳先生不接受中國北京“一個中國”概念的要求，（這基本上意味著接受台灣是中國的一部分，雙方將有一天會實現統一，甚至如果他們有不同的具體手段來實現這一目標。 ）

But President Ma's approach to the visit of Chen Yunlin, the most senior mainland official to visit Taiwan for six decades, seemed calculated to upset his opponents. Critics accused him of bending over backwards to "give face" to the mainland delegation: the official flag of Taiwan, which Beijing does not recognise, was not flown at the presidential palace when Mr Chen visited; the President was addressed by the mainland delegation as plain Mr Ma, since Beijing does not recognise his presidential status. Equally controversially, would-be protesters were refused permission to stage demonstrations against Mr Chen's visit.

但是，在陳雲林這位60年來最資深的大陸官員來台訪問期間，馬主席的做法似乎讓他的敵對陣營感到怒不可遏。批評者指責他向胳臂向外彎，以“給足大陸代表團面子”：在陳雲林訪台參觀時，北京所不承認的台灣官方國旗不被准許飄揚在總統府廣場上；因為北京不承認他的總統地位，所以馬總統的稱謂也可被大陸代表團僅稱之為馬 先生；同樣有爭議的，還有馬總統拒絕准許人民集會以示威反對陳雲林的訪問。

Such refusals are rare in Taiwan's democratic era - and when protesters did try to demonstrate anyway, they were met with police beatings that left over 100 people injured and shocked many who thought Taiwanese society had turned its back on such brutality. "People were very upset," says Frank Muyard, Director of the French Centre for Research on Contemporary China in Taipei. "For the police to use force against peaceful protesters is something which hasn't been seen in Taiwan for perhaps 16 years, since before [former President] Lee Teng-hui took full power during the transition to democracy."

在台灣的民主時代，這種拒絕是相當罕見的──當示威者試圖抗議時，他們受到了警察的毆打，造成1 00多人受傷，這現象讓無數台灣人十分震驚──台灣社會是否已重回到野蠻的戒嚴時代。 “人們非常生氣”駐台北法國當代中國研究中心主管弗蘭克慕亞德說，“從先前[前總統]李登輝採取全面向民主過渡的政策之後，16年來，警察使用武力對付和平示威在台灣已不曾復見。”

Public anger spilled over, leading to chaotic scenes when Chen Yunlin was prevented from leaving his hotel for hours by furious demonstrators. Students and academics seeking to protest peacefully at the government's handling of the affair were also dispersed by police, leading to an open letter by 500 academics calling for the right to free speech to be protected, and for a probe into police violence. The English-language Taipei Times newspaper, while criticising leaders of the opposition DPP for not discussing plans for Chen Yunlin's visit with the government in advance, accused Ma and the KMT of ?reverting to time-dishonored tactics reminiscent of the Martial Law era."

公憤蔓延，從而導致陳雲林被憤怒的示威者禁止離開酒店數小時的混亂場面。學生和學者對政府處理這一事件所尋求的和平示威也被警察驅散，導致一封由500名學者連署呼籲言論自由權必須受到保護，並且探討警察暴力的公開信。英文台北時報，在批評反對派民進黨領導人沒有事先與政府討論陳雲林訪問時所要推動的計劃的同時，也譴責馬英九和國民黨？馬政府這不光采的戰術令人回想起戒嚴時期。

"Deploying 7,000 police officers over a four-day period and restricting the public's freedom of movement were a recipe for disaster," it said in an editorial, adding that Mr Ma "either misjudged public opinion, showing how ineffective he is as the nation's top decision-maker, or he didn't care about the political ramifications of his actions - at least not in Taiwan."

在一篇社論中說到 “在四天內部署7000警察，並限制公眾行動的自由，無疑是導致這災難性結果的主要原因。”同時在補充說明中提到 馬先生“或許是錯估民意，但這說明了馬英九作為全國最高的決策者所顯示出來的無能，或者他根本不關心他的行動在台灣政治上所造成的錯綜複雜的影響。”

Critics accused him of grandstanding by turning Chen Yunlin's visit into such a big event - when the accords could have been signed with much less fanfare and public fallout - and of alienating anyone with doubts about closer ties with the Chinese mainland. This was highlighted on Tuesday when an 80-year \-old man, claiming to be a long-standing KMT member, set himself on fire in central Taipei, in protest at what he said was excessive police brutality against marchers carrying Taiwan's official flag during Mr Chen's visit; he was taken to hospital with third degree burns over 80% of his body.

批評者指責他譁眾取寵，把陳雲林的訪問搞成這樣一個大型活動──協定時，本來可以不要如此大張旗鼓以引起較小的政治餘波的──以及疏遠任何一位懷疑馬政府將與中國大陸聯繫得更緊密的人。這一點在星期二，被一位80歲的男子的自焚所強調出來，一位自稱是長期的國民黨員，在台北的自由廣場引火自焚，這行為用以抗議警察在 陳 先生的訪問時，對持台灣官方國旗行進的反對者的過度暴行，最後因為身體80 ％以上的三度燒傷，他被送往醫院急救治療。

These events have left a society long used to fragmentation - where most academics, analysts and media organisations are on one side or the other of the political divide - still reeling at the increase in political tension under President Ma: "Chen Shui-bian was a very divisive figure," says Frank Muyard of the French Centre for Research on Contemporary China. "People hoped Ma would be more conciliatory - they saw him as a gentle, well-educated, nice person who would help Taiwan come together and do something for reconciliation. But he hasn't done that. Now many people see him as partisan, too eager to please China - they don't trust him to defend Taiwan's sovereignty."

這些事件對台灣社會留下了一個的長期裂痕──在大多數學者，分析師和傳媒機構中，造成一方與另一方的政治鴻溝──在馬總統領導下，纏繞著的政治緊張局勢仍然在持續增加： “由於陳水扁是一個非常有爭議的人” 駐台北法國當代中國研究中心主管弗蘭克 慕亞德說 “所以人們希望馬會更和解──他們認為他是一個溫柔，受過良好教育的好人，將有助於台灣的和解，可惜地他並沒有做到這一點。現在很多人認為他是所謂的強硬派，急於傾向中國的強硬派──他們並不信任他會捍衛台灣的主權 。”

For the mainland government, which has reported the opening of cross-strait links with great fanfare as a ?win-win' situation for both sides, there's a clear degree of satisfaction in seeing Chen Shui-bian under arrest. Beijing despised him for his background in Taiwan's pro-independence movement of the 1970s and 80s. "Chen Shui-bian in handcuffs" was the banner headline in the popular nationalist tabloid newspaper the Global Times on Wednesday. And for months China's state-run media has revelled in reporting every detail of the various allegations of corruption against Mr Chen, his wife and associates (in marked contrast to the minimal amount of detail it gave in the corruption case of another Chen, former Communist Party Secretary of Shanghai Chen Liangyu, who was jailed for eighteen years in April.)

對於開放兩岸三通已在大張旗鼓報導的大陸政府而言，另一個雙贏的情況就是看到陳水扁被逮捕，對於這件事，雙方都有一個明確程度的滿意。北京對於他（陳水扁）在20世紀70和80年代推動台灣獨立運動的背景相當鄙視。 “陳水扁戴上手銬”的標題，在星期三的民族主義小報──“環球時報”中廣泛流傳。幾個月來，針對陳先生、妻子和同事，各種腐敗指控的每個細節，出現在中國國營媒體的報導之中，（明顯對比的是，對於貪污案的另一陳，被判入獄18年4月的前黨委書記陳良宇，卻是用最小的篇幅來報導）。

Ma Ying-jeou's popularity with China's leaders, on the other hand, is clearly at an all-time high: as well as agreeing to direct links and the One China principle, he has also relaxed restrictions which prevented Taiwanese companies from investing more than 40% of their assets in the mainland, further boosting economic ties. Yet recent events suggest his actions may also risk provoking a deeper anti-mainland backlash, at the very moment when physical links between the two sides of the Taiwan Straits have become closer than ever.

馬英九與中國的領導人的聲望，就另一方面而言，顯然是在歷史高位：在同意直接三通和在一個中國原則之下，他還對台灣企業投資大陸不得超過40 ％的上限放寬限制，進一步推動雙方的經濟連結。然而，在這海峽兩岸身體之間的聯繫比起以往任何時候都要更為密切的非常時刻，最近發生的事件，也表明了他的行動，可能會挑起風險更深的反大陸的反彈。

Wednesday, November 12, 2008星期三， 08年11月12日
□ 〔 資料來源： 台灣ㄟ滋味 | 引用網址 〕